Our History
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Polk County House of Hope
Important Stages of the Battered Women’s Movement in the US
Stage One: Women Break the Silence (early 1970s)
Around kitchen tables, in laundromats, in college classrooms, and at community meetings, women began to talk with one another about a troubling reality in their lives:
that abuse, degradation, violence, and fear were hidden dimensions of their intimate relationships. It was not individual abrogation, but an experience shared by
hundreds of women in any given neighborhood or community. These first discussions put a name to this hidden issue, and women began to talk publicly about
“domestic violence.” We began to talk, and to work together to respond—neighbor to neighbor, sister helping sister. The first stage had a distinct self-help focus with
emphasis on consciousness-raising at the group level.
Once feminists encouraged battered women to “speak out” and tell their stories, as women in the anti-rape movement had done, the circumstances of the battered
woman and the rape survivor proved remarkably alike. Both were doubted and disbelieved, both were charged with making false accusations, both were blamed for
provoking the violence, both were said secretly to enjoy it, both were blamed for not preventing it themselves, both were shamed into silence—both were victimized by
unrestrained male power. And as more and more abused women spoke out, the numbers began to add up: millions of women of all races and social classes isolated
with the men who abused them in individual homes all across the country—with no place to go.
This early movement took its shape from the form and substance of women’s stories of abuse and degradation at the hands of their husbands and boyfriends, and
found its energy in the pain and strength of women’s voices as they shared their lives with one another.
Stage Two: Women Needs for Safety Were Recognized (middle ‘70s - early ‘80s)
As the silence was broken, the need for services was identified as a collective issue, rather than as an individual need. A primary focus of stage two of the movement
was to create safe spaces to which abused women could escape when home was no longer safe. The first safe houses were literally in women’s homes, opened up to
other women and children in danger. Gradually, as the secrecy and shame shrouding domestic violence was challenged by battered women speaking out, the demand
for safe, temporary housing became too great; the first battered women’s shelters were borne of extreme need. Small, home-like structures were established where
women could find support, guidance, and hope from other women facing the same struggles. The model was one of self-help and empowerment, emphasizing safety
planning and healing through peer support.
We want women to be able to take control of their own lives and share in an environment, which supports their doing just that. For many women and children, being at
the shelter may be the first time they have been outside the controlling authority of an abusive relationship. Each woman who lives and works in the shelter is
encouraged to trust herself to make decisions, which are best for her.
Links to other issues (like sexual assault) were made. Women began to articulate the problem of violence against women as a crime, and organizing spread beyond the
local level to statewide and eventually national efforts. As the understanding of the problem of violence against women as a social problem was refined, key
dimensions were identified:
· It could happen to any woman
· Perpetrators (predominantly men) were the problem, not those experiencing the abuse (this was not a problem related to the victim’s personality)
· Consequences are serious and potentially long-term
· Society needs to change to protect women at risk
Domestic violence was defined as a feminist issue; social change was considered prominently.
Stage Three: Women Demanded Accountability from the System (‘80s-present)
Battered women and their allies realized that the issue was not only that women were vulnerable in the private sphere, but that part of the vulnerability was created by
the lack of accountability from social systems designed to protect citizens in general, and crime victims in particular. Therefore, considerable effort was placed on
holding public systems accountable for safety and justice for battered women. Advocacy work became the focus (shifting from consciousness-raising, which
characterized stages one and two). One of the first institutions to receive the attention of the battered women’s movement was the criminal and civil legal system, the
system to which battered women routinely turned for protection and redress. The early and ongoing work of the movement included pressuring many states to enact
more comprehensive and effective laws against domestic violence, including:
· criminal and civil protection order statutes
· mandatory and pro-arrest statutes in responses to domestic assaults
· stronger sentencing and monitoring provisions for convicted offenders
· protection against divorce and visitation practices that jeopardized women’s and children’s safety
· laws to restrict the availability of guns.
Domestic violence curricula, which placed a priority on safety for victims and accountability for the offender, were developed as part of police training, as well as for
judges, court personnel, corrections officials, and even court translators. “Court watch” programs were established to monitor the effectiveness of training and the
implementation of existing laws. “Gender bias” task forces were established in many jurisdictions to document and challenge discriminatory treatment of battered
women and their children by state and local court. Importantly, this work proceeded with advocates voicing that legal reforms could only work in tandem with other
efforts.
From the beginning, these criminal and civil legal reforms have progressed because of the integration of battered women’s experiences and domestic violence
advocates’ day-to-day assistance to victims. As advocates helped women negotiate the court system, they experienced institutional responses that were biased, victim
blaming, uncoordinated, confusing, and worse, endangering to women and children. With this information, strategies to change public policy and system operations
were identified and prioritized. Easy to read manuals informing women about their legal rights and describing court policies and practices and how to access
protections and services were developed to assist women in understanding and utilizing the system.
Health care and medical institutions also became a focus of the domestic violence movement. Later, child welfare agencies were identified as institutions that often
limited the options for safety and justice for battered women. This, along with leadership from advocates working directly with children in domestic violence shelters
and programs, led to the shift in focus from “battered women” to “battered women and their children.” Analysis, policy, practice, and public education efforts were
targeted for change.
A MOMENT in TIME…
202 B.C. At the end of the Punic Wars, the family structure changes giving women more freedoms, including property rights and the right to sue their husbands for
unjustified beatings.
1767 British Common Law allows for a man to chastise his wife with a stick no greater than the length from the last joint to the end of the thumb (the rule of
thumb).
1964 Refuge House, the first battered women’s shelter in the world, opens in London.
1972 The San Jose Police Department is sued on behalf of Ruth Bunnell for wrongful death due to police negligence. Ruth called the police requesting
assistance but was refused. Ruth's husband killed her. In the year prior to her death, she called the police 29 times regarding the violent acts her ex-husband
committed against her and her daughters.
1989 US Attorney General C. Everett Koop warns that violence is the number one public health risk to adult women in the United States.
1994 The US Congress passes the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) as part of the federal Crime Bill. VAWA funds services for victims of domestic violence
and rape, and provides training to increase police and court officials’ sensitivity to domestic violence.
2005 Violence Against Women Act II (VAWA) is reauthorized.
Stage Four: Women’s Experiences Are Accepted as Legitimate and the Movement Is Mainstreamed (late ‘80s-1990s) Based on the experiences and demands of
battered women and her allies, considerable changes in institutional policies and procedures were made. The fourth stage institutionalized system accountability; the
need for safety; the rights to protection; and access to services. Public awareness campaigns were initiated on the local, State, and national levels. Foundations and
government agencies funded research efforts and large projects were undertaken to identify model intervention programs. In the 1990s, system reforms that began in
the 1980s expanded significantly and now included a focus on a broader set of systems, including welfare systems and policy issues, such as housing, mental health,
substance abuse, and childcare. National surveys showed the extent of the problem, which prompted new advocates from other arenas.
Grassroots advocacy, social change, and consciousness-raising efforts shifted in many communities to more mainstream approaches (research and evaluation, reform,
training, etc.) Part of this shift was related to the fact that more mainstream groups were involved in the work and did not understand or agree with the more radical
tenants of the movement. This paradox of new tensions and tremendous opportunities led to some strategy shifts from challenging institutions to “coordinated
community responses.” However, key to increased public attention was sympathetic Federal administration, congressional leadership, and the nation’s concern about
crime. Violence against women found a home in national debates about safety and the “rights of crime victims.” This has had a mixed effect on our work, including
further alienation of some communities.
Stage Five: Women Reconsider Approaches and Return to Organizing (‘90s-present) There is agreement that many women are much safer thanks to the battered women’
s movement. However, there are some places in the United States where this work is still in its early stages: rural communities, communities of color, Native American
reservations, immigrant groups, incarcerated women, women with disabilities and others whose unique circumstances have lacked the attention by mainstream
advocacy. Local and national organizing efforts have renewed and have focused on accountability, this time, for mainstream advocacy. With the remarkable success of
this anti-violence against women movement began over 30 years ago, a network of services is now present where there were none. Currently, there are approximately
1,900 local domestic violence programs and State domestic violence coalitions in every State, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico. In addition, there is significant
policy reform, funding for violence against women research, and increased public awareness of a once hidden part of daily life for countless women and their children.
Prepared by Dr. Beth E. Richie, Associate Professor of the Departments of Criminal Justice and Women’s Studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago and Ms. Anne
Menard, Director of the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence, drawing thoughts and information from other individuals working in the domestic violence
community.
Current VAWA Legislation was renewed in 2005 and has been vital in providing tax dollars for domestic violence programs to increase and expand services to victims
across the US.
All employees must at least be familiar with current VAWA legislation as it plays an important role in the services we provide each day.
The entire VAWA Legislation can be accessed at:
http://www.ncadv.org/files/VAWA2005enrolled.pdf
Stage One: Women Break the Silence (early 1970s)
Around kitchen tables, in laundromats, in college classrooms, and at community meetings, women began to talk with one another about a troubling reality in their lives:
that abuse, degradation, violence, and fear were hidden dimensions of their intimate relationships. It was not individual abrogation, but an experience shared by
hundreds of women in any given neighborhood or community. These first discussions put a name to this hidden issue, and women began to talk publicly about
“domestic violence.” We began to talk, and to work together to respond—neighbor to neighbor, sister helping sister. The first stage had a distinct self-help focus with
emphasis on consciousness-raising at the group level.
Once feminists encouraged battered women to “speak out” and tell their stories, as women in the anti-rape movement had done, the circumstances of the battered
woman and the rape survivor proved remarkably alike. Both were doubted and disbelieved, both were charged with making false accusations, both were blamed for
provoking the violence, both were said secretly to enjoy it, both were blamed for not preventing it themselves, both were shamed into silence—both were victimized by
unrestrained male power. And as more and more abused women spoke out, the numbers began to add up: millions of women of all races and social classes isolated
with the men who abused them in individual homes all across the country—with no place to go.
This early movement took its shape from the form and substance of women’s stories of abuse and degradation at the hands of their husbands and boyfriends, and
found its energy in the pain and strength of women’s voices as they shared their lives with one another.
Stage Two: Women Needs for Safety Were Recognized (middle ‘70s - early ‘80s)
As the silence was broken, the need for services was identified as a collective issue, rather than as an individual need. A primary focus of stage two of the movement
was to create safe spaces to which abused women could escape when home was no longer safe. The first safe houses were literally in women’s homes, opened up to
other women and children in danger. Gradually, as the secrecy and shame shrouding domestic violence was challenged by battered women speaking out, the demand
for safe, temporary housing became too great; the first battered women’s shelters were borne of extreme need. Small, home-like structures were established where
women could find support, guidance, and hope from other women facing the same struggles. The model was one of self-help and empowerment, emphasizing safety
planning and healing through peer support.
We want women to be able to take control of their own lives and share in an environment, which supports their doing just that. For many women and children, being at
the shelter may be the first time they have been outside the controlling authority of an abusive relationship. Each woman who lives and works in the shelter is
encouraged to trust herself to make decisions, which are best for her.
Links to other issues (like sexual assault) were made. Women began to articulate the problem of violence against women as a crime, and organizing spread beyond the
local level to statewide and eventually national efforts. As the understanding of the problem of violence against women as a social problem was refined, key
dimensions were identified:
· It could happen to any woman
· Perpetrators (predominantly men) were the problem, not those experiencing the abuse (this was not a problem related to the victim’s personality)
· Consequences are serious and potentially long-term
· Society needs to change to protect women at risk
Domestic violence was defined as a feminist issue; social change was considered prominently.
Stage Three: Women Demanded Accountability from the System (‘80s-present)
Battered women and their allies realized that the issue was not only that women were vulnerable in the private sphere, but that part of the vulnerability was created by
the lack of accountability from social systems designed to protect citizens in general, and crime victims in particular. Therefore, considerable effort was placed on
holding public systems accountable for safety and justice for battered women. Advocacy work became the focus (shifting from consciousness-raising, which
characterized stages one and two). One of the first institutions to receive the attention of the battered women’s movement was the criminal and civil legal system, the
system to which battered women routinely turned for protection and redress. The early and ongoing work of the movement included pressuring many states to enact
more comprehensive and effective laws against domestic violence, including:
· criminal and civil protection order statutes
· mandatory and pro-arrest statutes in responses to domestic assaults
· stronger sentencing and monitoring provisions for convicted offenders
· protection against divorce and visitation practices that jeopardized women’s and children’s safety
· laws to restrict the availability of guns.
Domestic violence curricula, which placed a priority on safety for victims and accountability for the offender, were developed as part of police training, as well as for
judges, court personnel, corrections officials, and even court translators. “Court watch” programs were established to monitor the effectiveness of training and the
implementation of existing laws. “Gender bias” task forces were established in many jurisdictions to document and challenge discriminatory treatment of battered
women and their children by state and local court. Importantly, this work proceeded with advocates voicing that legal reforms could only work in tandem with other
efforts.
From the beginning, these criminal and civil legal reforms have progressed because of the integration of battered women’s experiences and domestic violence
advocates’ day-to-day assistance to victims. As advocates helped women negotiate the court system, they experienced institutional responses that were biased, victim
blaming, uncoordinated, confusing, and worse, endangering to women and children. With this information, strategies to change public policy and system operations
were identified and prioritized. Easy to read manuals informing women about their legal rights and describing court policies and practices and how to access
protections and services were developed to assist women in understanding and utilizing the system.
Health care and medical institutions also became a focus of the domestic violence movement. Later, child welfare agencies were identified as institutions that often
limited the options for safety and justice for battered women. This, along with leadership from advocates working directly with children in domestic violence shelters
and programs, led to the shift in focus from “battered women” to “battered women and their children.” Analysis, policy, practice, and public education efforts were
targeted for change.
A MOMENT in TIME…
202 B.C. At the end of the Punic Wars, the family structure changes giving women more freedoms, including property rights and the right to sue their husbands for
unjustified beatings.
1767 British Common Law allows for a man to chastise his wife with a stick no greater than the length from the last joint to the end of the thumb (the rule of
thumb).
1964 Refuge House, the first battered women’s shelter in the world, opens in London.
1972 The San Jose Police Department is sued on behalf of Ruth Bunnell for wrongful death due to police negligence. Ruth called the police requesting
assistance but was refused. Ruth's husband killed her. In the year prior to her death, she called the police 29 times regarding the violent acts her ex-husband
committed against her and her daughters.
1989 US Attorney General C. Everett Koop warns that violence is the number one public health risk to adult women in the United States.
1994 The US Congress passes the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) as part of the federal Crime Bill. VAWA funds services for victims of domestic violence
and rape, and provides training to increase police and court officials’ sensitivity to domestic violence.
2005 Violence Against Women Act II (VAWA) is reauthorized.
Stage Four: Women’s Experiences Are Accepted as Legitimate and the Movement Is Mainstreamed (late ‘80s-1990s) Based on the experiences and demands of
battered women and her allies, considerable changes in institutional policies and procedures were made. The fourth stage institutionalized system accountability; the
need for safety; the rights to protection; and access to services. Public awareness campaigns were initiated on the local, State, and national levels. Foundations and
government agencies funded research efforts and large projects were undertaken to identify model intervention programs. In the 1990s, system reforms that began in
the 1980s expanded significantly and now included a focus on a broader set of systems, including welfare systems and policy issues, such as housing, mental health,
substance abuse, and childcare. National surveys showed the extent of the problem, which prompted new advocates from other arenas.
Grassroots advocacy, social change, and consciousness-raising efforts shifted in many communities to more mainstream approaches (research and evaluation, reform,
training, etc.) Part of this shift was related to the fact that more mainstream groups were involved in the work and did not understand or agree with the more radical
tenants of the movement. This paradox of new tensions and tremendous opportunities led to some strategy shifts from challenging institutions to “coordinated
community responses.” However, key to increased public attention was sympathetic Federal administration, congressional leadership, and the nation’s concern about
crime. Violence against women found a home in national debates about safety and the “rights of crime victims.” This has had a mixed effect on our work, including
further alienation of some communities.
Stage Five: Women Reconsider Approaches and Return to Organizing (‘90s-present) There is agreement that many women are much safer thanks to the battered women’
s movement. However, there are some places in the United States where this work is still in its early stages: rural communities, communities of color, Native American
reservations, immigrant groups, incarcerated women, women with disabilities and others whose unique circumstances have lacked the attention by mainstream
advocacy. Local and national organizing efforts have renewed and have focused on accountability, this time, for mainstream advocacy. With the remarkable success of
this anti-violence against women movement began over 30 years ago, a network of services is now present where there were none. Currently, there are approximately
1,900 local domestic violence programs and State domestic violence coalitions in every State, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico. In addition, there is significant
policy reform, funding for violence against women research, and increased public awareness of a once hidden part of daily life for countless women and their children.
Prepared by Dr. Beth E. Richie, Associate Professor of the Departments of Criminal Justice and Women’s Studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago and Ms. Anne
Menard, Director of the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence, drawing thoughts and information from other individuals working in the domestic violence
community.
Current VAWA Legislation was renewed in 2005 and has been vital in providing tax dollars for domestic violence programs to increase and expand services to victims
across the US.
All employees must at least be familiar with current VAWA legislation as it plays an important role in the services we provide each day.
The entire VAWA Legislation can be accessed at:
http://www.ncadv.org/files/VAWA2005enrolled.pdf
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